İstanbul Tabip Odası'nın orada ne işi var?

İstanbul Tabip Odası (İTO) 4 Aralık tarihinde, üyesi olduğu 'İstanbul Emek, Barış, Demokrasi Güçleri' tarafından 8 Aralık 2019, Pazar günü İstanbul Bakırköy’de gerçekleştirilecek olan “İnsanca Yaşamak İstiyoruz!” mitingine çağrıda bulunduğu bir basın toplantısı düzenledi. Açıklamanın yapıldığı ve 2016 Ağustos'unda TTB'nin de kurucu üye olarak katıldığı platformun üyesi bazı kurumlara bakınca, sağlıkçıların aklına bir soruyu geliyor:'İstanbul Tabip Odası'nın orada ne işi var?'

İstanbul Tabip Odası (İTO) 4 Aralık tarihinde, üyesi olduğu 'İstanbul Emek, Barış, Demokrasi Güçleri' tarafından 8 Aralık 2019, Pazar günü İstanbul Bakırköy’de gerçekleştirilecek olan “İnsanca Yaşamak İstiyoruz!” mitingine çağrıda bulunmak için Cağaloğlu binasında bir basın toplantısı düzenlendi. TTB'nin 3 yıl önce kuruluşunda yer aldığı "Emek, Barış, Demokrasi Güçleri"nin üye olduğu kurumların İstanbul şubeleri tarafından yapılacak mitingin konusu ise görünürde ekonomi ağırlıklı.

ORADA NE İŞLERİ VAR?

Sağlık çalışanlarının yaşadıkları sorunlar artarken; sağlıkta şiddetin tavan yaptığı, hak gasbı ve emek sömürüsünün olduğu, sağlıkçı intiharlarının görüldüğü bir dönemde Türkiye'nin en büyük tabip odasının kimlik siyaseti yapan partilerle birlikte miting yapmasıysa, başta hekimler olmak üzere tüm sağlık camiası tarafından tepkiyle karşılanıyor. Hekimlerin meslek örgütünün yaptığı hareket karşısında ise akıllarda tek soru var:
"İstanbul Tabip Odası'nın orada ne işi var?"

MİTİNGİN TALEBİ NE?

İstanbul Tabip Odası'nın 4 Aralık'ta yaptığı basın açıklamasından önce mitinge ilk çağrı 26 Kasım'da Kadıköy'de HDP İstanbul Milletvekili Musa Piroğlu ve HDP İstanbul İl Eş Başkanı Erdal Avcı tarafından yapıldı. Açıklamada ekonomik taleplere ardından "Kayyumlar çekilsin", "KHK ve OHAL uygulamaları kaldırılsın" gibi maddeler eklenmesi ise dikkat çekti. Bu talepler İstanbul Tabip Odası ve diğer meslek örgütlerinin mitinge çağrı açıklamalarında nedense yer almıyor.

SINIRDIŞI OPERASYONA TEPKİ VERMİŞLERDİ

Platform; önceki aylarda Türk Silahlı Kuvetlerinin, Suriye'nin kuzeyinde düzenlediği sınırdışı operasyona verdiği tepki ile kendini hatırlatmıştı. Operasyona destek açıklaması yapan sağlık sendikaları,tabip odaları ve sağlık çalışanı dernekleri tarafından TTB'ye tepki gecikmemişti.

Üyeleri arasında Demokratik Bölgeler Partisi(DBP), Halkların Demokratik Partisi (HDP) ve etki alanlarında olan birçok siyasi partinin de bulunduğu platformun İstanbul ayağı tarafından düzenlenecek miting 8 Aralık Pazar günü İstanbul Bakırköy’de gerçekleşecek.

"Emek ve Demokrasi İçin Güç Birliği"nin kurucu üyeleri ise şu şekilde:  
Demokratik Bölgeler Partisi (DBP), 
Halkların Demokratik Kongresi (HDK),
Halkların Demokratik Partisi (HDP),  
Devrimci İşçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (DİSK), 
Kamu Emekçileri Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (KESK), 
Türk Mimar Ve Mühendis Odaları Birliği (TMMOB), 
Türk Tabibleri Birliği (TTB), 
Devrimci Parti (DP), 
Emek Partisi (EMEP), 
Emekçi Hareket Partisi (EHP), 
Ezilenlerin Sosyalist Partisi (ESP), 
Sosyalist Emekçiler Partisi (SEP), 
Sosyalist Yeniden Kuruluş Partisi (SYKP), 
Yeşiller Ve Sol Gelecek Partisi (YSGP), 
Haziran Hareketi, 
Halkevleri,
İnsan Hakları Derneği (İHD), 
Hacı Bektaş-I Veli Vakfı, 
Pir Sultan Abdal Kültür Dernekleri (PSAKD), 
Alevi Bektaşi Federasyonu, 
Demokratik Alevi Dernekleri (DAD).

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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.

Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.

With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.

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When Hussain AlMoosawi arrived home, he didn’t recognize anything.

The Emirati photographer, who had spent eight years studying in Australia, returned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2013. He’d missed a real estate boom of dizzying proportions: not just new buildings, but new districts.
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More than that, the buildings of his childhood were disappearing, replaced by shiny new skyscrapers.

But for AlMoosawi, these international icons were not the urban fabric of his home: it was the oft-overlooked, mid-century office towers and residential blocks squeezed between new highways and overshadowed by luxury developments that felt most familiar.

It sparked a desire to “understand the urban context of the UAE,” and AlMoosawi set out to meticulously document and capture these underappreciated buildings, “and reimagine the city as if it were the ‘80s, the time when I was born.”
https://tripscan36.org
трипскан сайт
Initially focusing on industrial landscapes, temporary structures and air conditioning units, he began to notice symmetry in many of the buildings he was photographing, inspiring his current project: facades.

“Facades are like a face,” said AlMoosawi. “It’s something that people connect with.”

His bold, geometric images strip away context to spotlight the character and diversity of everyday buildings. Using a telephoto lens to shoot close-ups from the ground or elevated positions, AlMoosawi carefully frames out distractions and sometimes removes minor obstructions like lampposts in post-processing.

So far, the 41-year-old, who is editor-in-chief for National Geographic AlArabiya Magazine, has photographed over 600 building?s across the UAE, and next year hopes to complete his collection in Abu Dhabi, where he lives.

In the long term, he hopes to turn the “lifetime project” into an interactive archive that both preserves urban heritage and invites viewers to rediscover their own city.

“Our cities aren’t big, in terms of scale, compared to many other cities,” said AlMoosawi. “But then they have a story to tell, they have things between the lines that we don’t see, and my quest is to see these things.”

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Since India’s independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political – entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.

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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.

The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence – though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.

Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.

With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.

Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.

According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”

But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.

The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.

Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.

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En el campo de la innovación actual, donde la rendimiento y la estabilidad del dispositivo son de alta significancia, los equipos de ajuste juegan un papel crucial. Estos aparatos dedicados están desarrollados para ajustar y regular partes móviles, ya sea en equipamiento productiva, vehículos de movilidad o incluso en aparatos de uso diario.

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